Friday, August 27, 2010

Quoates On A Church Anniversary

Triptych Literature XVI National Congress of Argentina



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critical look Argentina to literature in the context of the bicentenary
Resistencia, Chaco, Argentina, 5, 6 and 7 October 2011 FIRST CIRCULAR


Faculty of Humanities at the Universidad Nacional del Nordeste, through the Department of Letters, calls for writers, teachers, researchers, scholars and critics of literature, Literature XVI National Congress of Argentina, to be held in Resistencia, Chaco, on 5, 6 and 7 October 2011. Papers are invited framed within the general thematic and subejes as detailed below: 1.La

society: events, conflicts and tensions projected to literature
2.La national identity. Searches and inquiries from the literature through an ethical, aesthetic, metaphysical, sociological and cultural. 3.The
national language. Features and discursive trends.
4.Literatura and history. Fictionalization of controversial and conflicting historical centers. 5.La
literature and its relationship to other forms of artistic and social.
6.Globalización and Postmodernism. The literature of Argentina in the concert world.

METHOD: Plenary Sessions - Discussion Boards "Roundtables - Papers Exhibition - Discussions - Panels of writers and students of Literature.
Lectures by special guests residing in Argentina, Latin America, United States of America and Europe.
Complementary Activities: Exhibition of paintings and sculptures - Theatre - Concerts.

ORGANIZING COMMITTEE:
Honorary President: Prof. Noah Jitrik
CEO: Dr. Héctor Azzetti
Members: Professor Lucia Professor Maria Julia Muñoz

Mgter Simoni. Yolanda Ayala Alejandra Liñán

Professor Professor Professor Dora Gladys Milagros Villalba
Professor Patricia Rojo Guiñazú
Pujalte
Professor Aldo Fabian
Ms. Elsa Beatriz Linera Grillo

Contacts:


Tel-fax: 54-3722-446958
Address: Av . Las Heras 727 (3500), Resistencia, Chaco, Argentina

be needed in next round of talks admission requirements, value of the tariffs, payroll Academic Committee and special guests, plus information on the location of headquarters Congress.

Wednesday, August 25, 2010

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Official Story (ist) biased ...


Bicentennial Essay: history as infamous lie

The constitutional José Miguel Onaindia this text criticizes the biased view of history that dominates the official interpretation of the Bicentennial. In particular, questions the widespread notion that Centennial did not exist in social legislation. He states that respect for the historical account allows plural thinking and is a form of respect for cultural diversity, which is the sign of contemporary democracies.

By José Miguel Onaindia * - Posted on 14.08.2010 in Perfil.com


In the skewed version of history the ruling realiza para celebrar el Bicentenario, se omitieron datos y afirmaron hechos erróneos que alteran el pasado e impiden una interpretación plural de lo sucedido en nuestra patria. Un hecho histórico puede comprenderse de diferentes formas y permite la construcción de un relato diverso. Pero la negación de un hecho, o su omisión, sólo conduce a conclusiones que deforman la memoria y sustentan un pensamiento único y pueril.

Entre los numerosos secretos y mentiras que se usaron para narrar nuestra historia, en palabras e imágenes, se afirmó que en el Centenario no existían leyes sociales. El dato es falso y omite acontecimientos que favorecen una versión parcial de la historia y simplifican su interpretación. This is because, besides not know how it came national organization and the ideas that gave sustenance, such as Jean Jacques Rousseau claims when, in the Discourse on Inequality Among Men (1795), suggested that equal reflect not only the recognition of individual rights but also in the use and enjoyment of property by an equal distribution of goods, "denies specific legislative acts were enacted prior to the Centennial celebration and the rise of Peronism.

The ideological underpinnings of social constitutionalism and social thinking that underlies it was present in Argentina since the beginning of the national organization. The historical constitution clauses contained progressive and ahead of their time that allowed the development of a profusion of social legislation and case law that accepted the common good as a limit on the exercise of individual rights, especially those of financial content. That inspired thinkers devoted their reflection on social issues. Just remember that Stephen Etcheverría essential writer of the generation of '37, gave the title to one of his major works socialist dogma.

The original text of our letter we find the legal basis for these measures and a conception of the role of the state much more active than the "police state" in vogue at that time. I can not fail to note the wording of Article 67 then inc. 18, clause called the "prosperity and progress", the wording has remained intact after the 1994 reform. This clause contains a number of activities that the national government should encourage and which are concurrent with the provinces, since they can complement them within their territories. Are included in this subsection a number of standards that matter to the enforcement of the common good and the action of the State in all areas that justify their existence. These objectives are closely related to the purposes set forth State in the preamble to our Constitution.

Based on the contents of this subsection, that directs the National Congress to provide the pertinent "... the progress of enlightenment, teaching plans and university general education", Argentina, under the leadership of Sarmiento, implemented its transformative revolutionary weapon: the public school system. The 1420 law imposed being free, secular and compulsory education system and the norms, institutions and events that complement it allowed our country to create the instrument that would give unique personality in the international community and enable it to successfully fight poverty and social inequality.

not ignore this system is honest on an analysis of social developments in our country, because the reduction of illiteracy, social mobility involved, and the integration of immigrants and natives derived from its implementation, were the indispensable basis for dictates of social legislation and the progress of the case from the early twentieth century. Neither can be ignored, for its impact on the organization plural society, the enactment of the Civil Marriage Act (Act 2393) removed to the Catholic Church the registration of marriages and created an institution that allowed the right to marry and form a family of diverse people faiths or no religion, a forerunner of the recently enacted equal marriage.

Before the inclusion of social clauses in the Constitution, which occurs in the reform of 1949, our country has developed a social legislation which in some cases (accidents at work, working hours, compensation for unfair dismissal) was in force for several decades. If we set the starting point of this legislation Protectoria work in dependency ratio in 1905 with the enactment of the law of "weekly rest"-Sunday-(4611 Act), an initiative of Socialist deputy Alfredo Palacios, we note that our country forward in this regard to many nations, and allowed the adequacy of the rule of law to social needs and the most advanced ideas immigrant groups brought to our country. Socialists, anarchists, radical, democratic and progressive, feminist and other political groups displayed their action to ensure that the State meet its requirements. At this point I think it is fair to emphasize again the flexibility of the text of 1853-60, which, through specific provisions and the spirit that inspired it, harbored no great legal conflicts this development, since its own regulations (art. 33) devoted the implied rights "... but that arise from the principle of sovereignty the people and the republican form of government. "

For the centennial celebration also had enacted the 5291 law, which regulated the work of women and children, then reformed by law 11,317 of 1924, and had established a National Labour Department so that from the administration were met problems arising from the work definitively established in 1912. In 1904 he was sent to Congress the first draft Labour Code was drafted in our country and whose author was Joaquín V. González. Then, just for the government of Arturo Illia, another project was developed comprehensive but it did not get parliamentary treatment, although the art. 14 bis ordered the issuance of the Code of Labour and Social Security between fund codes, even devoid of sanction and draft. Nor was absent

legislation social security, because in 1886 the law is punishable 1909 which establishes teacher retirement in 1887 with the 2219 law establishing a scheme for staff of the Civil Service in 1904 by 4349 law establishing the National Retirement Fund for Public Officials, Employees and agents of the Civil Administration. The awareness of the imperative to meet the needs of those who should, for reasons of age, leave their jobs, was present even decades its universal reach later.

If we think of cultural rights, the law 4,195 of 1903 established the abolition of stage censorship, in fact paradoxical because after the first coup in 1930, with special emphasis, since the coup of 1943, consolidating a system of censorship of publications and events which is an elliptical narrative description of authoritarianism in Argentina.

But not only laws but also case law which recognizes this evolution, he recognized the constitutionality of regulations restricting the right of ownership and limited his exercise for reasons of public interest. The Supreme Court declared the National 11,157 constitutionality of the law, which froze rents of urban land for housing, commerce or industry, because he interpreted it, being the interest of the majority of the population, "... not only conditions of humanity and social justice which they claim his speech, but also its direct interest, since it is elementary that a distressing situation as many have to negatively affect the general economy, given the logic linking all the material interests "(case" Ercolano "of April 28, 1922 .)

The existence of these laws and legal criteria are a fact undeniable. His performance can be multiple and the admission of its existence does not mean, as in my personal assessment, make a eulogy or even a commitment to that historic period, but the omission of such acts constitute a serious distortion of the past because it violates human rights institutions fundamental as the right to learn and think without interpretations developed and imposed by those wielding state power.

In 1962, director William Wyler was the second time the film adaptation of a play by Lillian Hellman (The Children's Hour), which translated into our language, arbitrary in the literal but accurate in substance- was the infamous lie. The film tells the story of the destruction of two honest teachers and educational project by the lie of a student resentful. The individual drama produced by the distortion of reality is comparable to more serious consequences in a community. When the highest authorities of the country and those who collaborate in reconstructing the past and hide know what happened, either through ignorance or deliberate choice, also incur an infamous lie (which has no honor, "according to the dictionary) for their effects. Respecting the historical narrative is a form of respect for cultural diversity, which is the sign of contemporary democracies. Its negation, the impossibility of a plural and complex thought. The results already know. As Albert Camus said, "when intelligence goes out, starts the night of dictatorship."

* Constitutionalist. President of the International Foundation Argentina.

Source: Bicentenary history as infamous lie, Jose Miguel Onaindia - Perfil.com - 08/14/1910
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Monday, August 23, 2010

Chest Infection No Pain

Noob! OTHER

No, I mean the gentlemen of the photo. I speak of you, ladies and gentlemen. Because yes, this is an article full of demagoguery. Of good, I hope.

If you are concerned still the world around him, perhaps this summer have found cause for complaint unpalatable: if yes bulls, if bulls do not, if yes Melilla, Melilla, if not, that if Mrs. Obama did, if Mrs. Obama, in short, these little things to entertain us.

Amid all this, it has been surreptitiously approved labor reform. Maybe you, attentive follower now have heard of the issue and think you are informed, but lost all hope. It is not.

remember that reform that began with a Decree Law adopted by the government (apparently in labor there is always an extraordinary and urgent need to reform the rules that exist in other cases) and was immediately criticized by the remaining wild political parties. What has made the government there is and what each judge.

Cleverly, our government decided that the legislation was dealt with as a draft law Thus, amendments could be made to him by the other political groups if they wished. It must be remembered that the government currently lacks an absolute majority, so it could have been the case approved a rule completely different and even contrary to what was proposed by the government (although I suppose that that some of those involved should have an ideology, but that is topic for another day.)

A risky maneuver, think some.

Scoundrels! Behold

surprisingly, the amendments tabled by the political parties were not disclosed to the public. Well, some a little, as the PP proposal of banning the right to strike during collective bargaining, which would immediately guess the creation of jobs. But quickly silenced all information, which the general public know what proposals had the other parties of our parliament, not even one called, sooner or later, to replace the current government, that everything comes in this life.

But the thing does not end there. After saying how bad it was to reform the government, insisting on tontuna and inability of our current leaders, of seeking an early election, the government's proposal was accepted almost without modifications.

certainly tell the reader with a good memory, the PP voted against, and other parties, and it was not the perfidy which allowed nationalist via abstention, to approve the reform.

But Scoundrels!

Each played his role, but eventually came to what was already agreed upon, however much you try to save face by some. Again using a left-wing government (so to speak) to make reforms that would not be allowed in any right. Now the city

Rajoy said that reform is terrible and he proposes a different one. Do you know? They do not see the program of the PP, friend, see the Journals of the Houses, because there are proposals that have actually been done.

So if when you are viewing the bullfight, or were protesting against animal abuse, or visiting Melilla, or when you cross with Mrs. Obama on the street as a stinging note in the back rooms, who knows maybe while he should not have looked would have been holding her back, and they've been re-cast.

And if when you vote in the upcoming elections do so in the belief that someone will do something to change it, be sure. Now, do not expect the change for the better.

Noob is not, man.



Rhyming 4 Year Old Birthday Invitation

Jorge Lanata and the number of the Bicentennial.

Tuesday, August 17, 2010

Foot Scenes In Film E Tv

The father of our country, the Bicentennial year, our sincere homage to the anniversary of his death.

the Father of the Nation :
José de San Martín, in the 160 th anniversary of his death.

August 17 marks 160 years of the death of Don José de San Martín, Argentina author of Independence and, along with Simon Bolivar, Liberator of America.



Today, August 17, marks the anniversary of the death of General San Martín, the Liberator of America. In Argentina we remember him as the "Father of the Fatherland." In Peru, is remembered as the liberator of that country, with the title "Founder of the Freedom of Peru", "Founding of the Republic" and "Generalissimo of Weapons." In Chile has emphasized its army with the rank Captain General.

But beyond its liberator, San Martin is a cornerstone in building our national identity (Bartolomé Mitre, through his monumental History of San Martin, and Ricardo Rojas with his Holy Sword, forged the image Hero). His celebrated figure in the world and their heroic proceed, we are reminded that other behavior (honesty, courage, dignity and resignation ...), another issue for the country is still possible. Therefore, recalling his life from the anniversary of his death is to remember that story we heard in school events of our childhood, the great story that shapes us as a community and we think and rethink on our way to a country fair, free and sovereign. Our respects to the memory of General Jose de San Martin.
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Monday, August 9, 2010

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"Costumbres Argentinas" by Beatriz Sarlo.


Opinion
Argentine Customs
Beatriz Sarlo


Corruption does not matter to anyone, a friend tells me. The thousands of inches and broadcast minutes printed for the issue would be justified in at least one of the following two reasons: corruption is a story that people follow with interest, or those endless news finally come to interest readers and viewers. But

if my friend is right, chimangos spent gunpowder, not only because a shortage of judges and prosecutors who dare to corruption, but also because many Argentines are more or less indifferent, though not explicitly say so because it would be cynicism that few are willing to practice openly.

democracy appears as a system that provides opportunities for crime by the government and does not ensure the punishment of those who take advantage. But dictatorships have also proved corrupt regimes. Exceptional arrangements, such as Fujimori in Peru, showed less but more corruption than others, and speed of new democracies popular or peasant were quickly colonized by a state that practiced corruption so pyramid and an order that all subordinates must respect.

By the way, is no guarantee of least corrupt governments to be occupied by elites who already have wealth when they reach the state, nor is it a guarantee that both men come from below, in long struggles, finally arriving to power.

What I just described would be a universal and inevitable system against which, as is the nature of things, you could not do anything. However, there are countries where corruption is frowned upon by the political class as a whole. No need to go far: Uruguay and Chile provide examples nearby. I remember some years ago, Chilean newspapers read the scandal for a lawmaker who had been left with a sum that Argentina would be considered free to use (a "back", we would say with unabashed sincerity). Public opinion strongly condemned by some British MPs expenses here would be lightly considered part of their prerogatives, and a few days ago a minister in the new government had to resign because he had used an assignment of rents to pass to your partner, like a tenant .

surface is skeptical and a society that makes them pay the consequences of their political acts have been denounced as corrupt. Has the passion with Chimento, consumes it as if it were news of celebrities have appeared in magazines, in which either makes them pay with their prestige the discovery that imported cars have so blatantly illegal. The celebrities, including fatal attractions, have to be transgressive. But it loves celebrities and politicians, no. There is a willingness to believe anything from anyone, and therefore to say the worst of anti-phrases: "all are corrupt." True

policy issues are neutralized by indifference. No one becomes less alert to corruption due to lack of data because the data are plentiful. The issue goes through the experience of punishment: the corrupt without punishment are an example so persuasive as those who do not pay taxes and are housed in niches where it finally passes sanitation truck to pick up some moratorium.

In countries where the transgressions are severely punished, corruption or tax evasion, as well as moral sanctions, they run the risk of criminal prosecution. These crimes are not treated as a case of disorderly conduct in the last year of high school.

When the penalty is stiff and has a better moral ground to plant his speech: It is known that have to commit a crime because it is wrong, but also because there is the appropriate punishment to the crime. Outside this system of crime and punishment, public ethics is devoid of performative force.

But perhaps more important than this is the fact that corruption is hard to turn into something politically significant. Who was close to doing so was Carlos Alvarez. In 2000, he resigned the vice presidency of the Republic when the scandal broke to buy senators. That act was politicized corruption ", ie that showed not only a moral but also as the most destructive weapon used on the Congress. The road then followed Alvarez did not insist on this line, but his resignation had an educational value, although short-acting. Politicizing

corruption is subtracted from the spot where now the sample: that of an anomaly that is forgotten to be replaced by another, and so on, a corrupt evicted the corrupt morning yesterday, confirming the anti-political bias expressed by the phrase obtusa "everybody is corrupt."
majestic
The case of marriage enrichment Kirchner, who was so quickly considered unimpeachable by an accommodating judge, should be better explained not only in the details of a property investment lucky.

democracy expands opportunities for many people in other schemes would not be in government. This is optimal. Quantitatively but also expands the universe of people who will be subject to all the opportunities that are in power or close to it.

This inequality between representatives and represented is always dangerous, because the representative knows before the principal can be drawn where a slice. Moreover, the representative is more likely that the speech represented invented to justify their actions. The most common today is the cost of the policy. The parties need private funders who are rewarded with government contracts. This has happened not only in Argentina. Somehow

spreads the idea that only someone very rich can pay for an election campaign and, then, competition is trapped between the wealthy and the corrupt (if not from the merger of these two figures in the same man.) Kirchner needs to get rich because his political future happens to have the means to continue on the stage even when he loses the election.

Moreover, citizens can think without malice aware that many would not let an opportunity slip as generous as that offered the Kirchner to expand its capital. Do not lawful and legitimate business with the state is a tradition in Argentina. By continuing, Kirchner meets a dream and adheres to a custom. The growth of a fortune beyond rates that are plausible means to have jumped on the opportunity, unawares, one might think that this is not robbed nobody, as if any crime of corruption is reduced to the figure of theft.

Grey areas abound and are those in which it is more difficult to establish a trial if it is not very clear about the separation between public and private.

predation public is not an activity that is practiced only by politicians. Environmental crime, to take one example, there are thefts but depredations as obvious as that uses a public watercourse to poison with private industrial waste.

The other corruption, directly political, is what happens to the discretionary use of public funds. When some social organizations claim that subsidies are not handled by the local authorities are central to a strategy of electoral loyalties confuses the means to achieve them.

Leaving aside the possibility that these mayors from the acts of corruption that directly promote what they do is to use funds that do not belong to them, administering them in your favor or the great leader that wins. The inherently corrupt nature of this move has less to do with the political use Social funds as with personal enrichment opportunities for municipal leaders are responsible for the diversion. Back on these cases is politicizing the corruption, because these maneuvers affect publicly funded citizenship rights.

is obvious that, without losing the focus of a moralization of politics, what seems needed is a continuous politicization of the discourse on corruption.

This means, remove it from the moral sphere and define it as long as a political issue, and that makes possible the exercise of power always explain it in political terms, even when it seems to respond to personal wanderings; distance of Any which states that all were, are and will be well, noted the private use of public transgressions to destroy the political and social life and the very functioning of the economy, challenging the idea that it is possible to exercise power corruptly and while effective, democratic and popular. Preclude the equation, at the time, Menem benefited: they are corrupt but govern. Simply, if not corrupt rule should govern and if not to be corrupt.

Source: Review - Argentine Customs, by Beatriz Sarlo - The Nation - 06/10/1910
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